Prime Minister’s Questions Must Not Depend on the Prime Minister’s Mood

Centre for Civic Education (CCE) points out that Prime Minister Milojko Spajić has so far failed to accord sufficient importance to Prime Minister’s Questions, one of the key mechanisms of parliamentary oversight of the executive. Of the 21 sessions that should have been held under the Rules of Procedure, the Prime Minister attended only 14, while on seven occasions he was not present to answer questions from MPs and thereby account to Parliament and the public.

In a political system in which the Government plays a dominant role in shaping public policy, the regular holding of Prime Minister’s Questions represents a minimum standard of democratic accountability. Postponements and an unpredictable schedule weaken Parliament’s oversight function and diminish the Government’s accountability to the public.

The Rules of Procedure stipulate that parliamentary questions are to be asked at a special sitting held at least once every two months during the regular parliamentary session, that questions to the Prime Minister are to be asked at the beginning of that sitting, and that, in months when such a sitting is not held, a separate sitting dedicated to Prime Minister’s Questions is to be organised. This establishes a framework under which Prime Minister’s Questions should serve as a regular monthly mechanism of parliamentary oversight during the eight months of Parliament’s regular sessions.

Since the beginning of the term of Milojko Spajić’s Government, 21 sessions of Prime Minister’s Questions should have been held under the Rules of Procedure, of which 14 were actually held. In 2023, two sessions should have been held, but only one took place; in 2024, five of the eight expected sessions were held; in 2025, five of the eight expected sessions were likewise held; while in 2026, all three expected sessions took place.

CCE recalls that Prime Minister Milojko Spajić’s approach to presenting the Government’s programme of work before Parliament has fallen short of the expected level of institutional accountability since the beginning of his term. When the 44th Government was elected, he did not present the Government’s programme, but merely announced the composition of the Government, even though the oral presentation of the programme carries particular democratic significance. A similar pattern was evident in the conduct of Prime Minister’s Questions between 2023 and 2026, a period marked by numerous postponements, rescheduling and instances in which written answers were provided without any opportunity for debate in the plenary.

CCE emphasises that written answers or subsequent clarifications cannot replace direct debate in the plenary. The essence of Prime Minister’s Questions lies in the Prime Minister publicly answering questions from MPs, which is why his regular attendance represents a fundamental expression of the executive’s accountability to Parliament.

CCE’s analysis shows that parliamentary groups have made significant use of Prime Minister’s Questions to raise matters of public interest. According to CCE data, from the beginning of Prime Minister Milojko Spajić’s term until 6 July 2026, MPs put a total of 187 questions to the Prime Minister.

The highest number of questions was asked by the European Alliance and DPS, with 19 each, followed by DNP and URA with 18 each, BS and PES with 17 each, the Special Parliamentary Group with 16, the Democrats with 16, NSD with 13, SNP-CIVIS with 12, DUA and HGI with 11, the Albanian Forum with six, and the Albanian Alliance with five questions. The data show that Prime Minister’s Questions is used by both the ruling majority and the opposition, confirming its institutional importance, although the manner and purpose of its use differ.

Within the parliamentary groups, the most active MPs in positing questions to PM were Dritan Abazović (URA) and Boris Bogdanović (Democrats) with 15 questions each; Milan Knežević (DNP) with 12; Vasilije Čarapić (PES) with 11; Adrijan Vuksanović (DUA and HGI parliamentary group), Boris Mugoša (European Alliance) and Danijel Živković (DPS) with eight each; Dejan Đurović (NSD), Radinka Ćinćur (Special Parliamentary Club) and Bogdan Božović (SNP-CIVIS) with six each; and Mirsad Nurković and Amer Smailović (BS), Artan Čobi (Albanian Forum) and Ilir Čapuni (Albanian Alliance) with five questions each.

The remaining MPs put 72 questions to the Prime Minister. More specifically, by parliamentary clubs: European Alliance/SD (Branislav Nenezić – 6; Nikola Zirojević – 5), DPS (Andrija Nikolić – 4; Ivan Vuković – 2; Jevto Eraković – 2; Nikola Rakočević – 1; Nikola Milović – 1; Mihailo Anđušić – 1), Special Parliamentary Club (Jevrosima Pejović – 5; Ilir Čapuni – 3; Vladimir Dobričanin – 2), NSD (Slaven Radunović – 3; Marko Kovačević – 2; Jovan Vučurović – 1; Vaso Obradović – 1), BS (Ervin Ibrahimović – 3; Damir Gutić – 2; Admir Adrović – 1; Adel Omeragić – 1), DNP (Milun Zogović – 2; Vladislav Bojović – 2; Maja Vukićević – 1; Jelena Kljajević – 1), PES (Miodrag Laković – 1; Dragana Vučević – 1; Tonći Janović – 1; Jovan Subotić – 1; Uglješa Urošević – 1; Boris Pejović – 1), SNP–CIVIS (Slađana Kaluđerović – 5; Maja Vučelić – 1), URA (Miloš Konatar – 3), DUA and HGI (Mehmed Zenka – 3), Democratic Montenegro (Momčilo Leković – 1), and the Albanian Forum (Nikolla Camaj – 1).

Thematically, the questions most frequently concerned living standards, public finances, fiscal sustainability and the effects of the Europe Now 2 programme, European integration, the rule of law, the security sector, the fight against organised crime and corruption, infrastructure projects, the development of the north, local needs, tourism, the Public Enterprise for Coastal Zone Management, transport links with neighbouring countries, as well as citizenship, language, the population census and other socio-political issues that often attract considerable public attention.

CCE considers that the approach to Prime Minister’s Questions reflects the broader approach to parliamentary democracy. It is therefore important to ensure that these sittings are held regularly, predictably and transparently, with publicly available records of scheduled, postponed and held sittings, as well as the consistent presence of the Prime Minister in the plenary. Direct answers to MPs’ questions cannot be replaced by written responses or subsequent clarifications.

Prime Minister’s Questions must serve as a regular mechanism for ensuring the public accountability of the executive. The positive trend recorded in 2026 should be transformed into an institutional standard, ensuring that the Prime Minister regularly and directly answers questions from MPs.

Nikola Obradović, Programme Associate