When European students took to the streets in 1968, they demanded social change and the breaking of societal taboos – and in some Western European countries, they also triggered a process of confronting painful parts of national history. In the Netherlands, as historian Tony Judt notes, young people tore down the wall of silence surrounding collaboration with the Nazis and began to read The Diary of Anne Frank in a new light – as a testimony about their own society as well. Confronting one’s own past has never been even or complete. Today, as Europe once again faces a wave of historical revisionism, the question arises: can students in Serbia initiate a process of reckoning with the past?
Although the movement in Serbia is ideologically diverse when it comes to the legacy of war, there have been important cathartic moments. Students gave a standing ovation to Goran Samardžić, who told them that as a twenty-year-old he had participated in the war in Bosnia, having believed in wartime propaganda against Bosniaks. His speech went viral and opened up a debate on social media about society’s relationship to the wartime past.
Most importantly, however, students broke through ethno-nationalist barriers. They walked through cities and villages across Serbia, meeting people and reviving a spirit of togethernes. They achieved what civil society organizations in post-Yugoslav countries often struggled with due to limited reach – they connected with their peers. That personal encounters are essential for dismantling prejudices and stereotypes. The difficulty of embarking on this action of walking across Serbia is evident from the statements of many participants in regional human rights schools, art workshops, and intercultural excursions organized by civil society. Despite pressure from families and communities – “don’t go there, someone will hurt you, kill you” – young people chose to take part. This “pilgrimage” is crucial for building a society based on constitutional patriotism, undermined for decades by ethno-confessional politics. Only such a Serbia can be open to all its citizens and neighbours.
It would not be politically responsible to reduce the entire student movement to their latest mass gathering – the nationalist and disturbing Vidovdan rally (28 June). Such moments exist, but they do not reflect the spirit of the entire movement, which is not free of nationalism. That is to be expected, since students grew up in a society where they could not hear an objective interpretation of the wars or develop empathy for “the others.” Just like the ʼ68 generation in the Netherlands.
An insight into the views of plenum participants is provided by a study from the Faculty of Political Science, conducted at universities in Belgrade during the most intense period of the protests (February–May). According to the interpretation of the study’s authors, professors Milan Bešić and Slobodan Marković, students in the plenums operate in a highly parliamentary and inclusive manner. They adopted principles that allow for decision-making even after hours of debate, ensuring that everyone can express their views. Despite diverse opinions, they manage to crystallize a common position and consistently advocate for justice, against violence and repression. The study also shows that among students, support for joining the European Union is higher than in the general population of Serbia.
A free space for open debate, independent media and judiciary, transparent and accountable institutions are all essential preconditions for societal progress. As UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk noted, this is the path from conflict to a democratic society where institutions function and the rule of law becomes reality. These same aspirations can be found in the students’ demands.
The student revolt marks the beginning of the deblocking of public space – the very space that has for years been censored and intimidated. Without a free public sphere there can be no genuine debate, let alone confrontation with the political and social consequences of wars that continue to shape life in post-Yugoslav societies. In this sense, the rebellion becomes important not only as an act of resistance, but as an introduction to dialogue – about war, responsibility, and justice.
A solid foundation for such dialogue already exists – left by the Hague Tribunal and the persistent civil society organizations that, for decades, did the work the state refused to do. Now, students bring something new. Through plenums, their decision-making and their mode of discussion, they have shown that another model of civic engagement is possible – one grounded in listening and inclusion. If they sincerely advocate for Serbia to be a republic and a state governed by the rule of law, they carry a great responsibility to open the darkest chapters of Serbian history, for which the generations of their parents and elders are accountable.
While the world is shaken by more than 120 armed conflicts and nearly two billion people live without food, water, and security, the student movement in Serbia may seem insignificant – but it carries a clear symbolic weight. In a time of geopolitical tensions and conflicts, human rights erosion and democratic backsliding, the student revolt in Serbia shows that young people are not giving up on the idea that they can contribute to change. As many as 70 percent of surveyed students in Belgrade believe they are part of a global movement actively contributing to the democratization of the world.
Izabela Kisić
The author is a sociologist with decades of experience in civil society, public administration, media, and international organizations.