Intense democratic backsliding and the growing instrumentalization of nationalism and religion in the Western Balkans have opened space for a new generation of civic resistance. The momentum of protests, largely inspired by continuous mobilization in Serbia, could serve as a catalyst for reversing the trend of democratic decline. The study “Civic Mobilization as a Response to Institutional Deficit”, published by theGerman Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES) and the Centre for Civic Education (CCE), shows that youth movements in Serbia, North Macedonia and Montenegro are beginning to offer different, unexpected responses to the erosion of institutions and democracy.
The authors of the publication are Dr. Dušan Spasojević, professor at the Faculty of Political Sciences at the University of Belgrade, Dr. Irena Cvetković, an independent researcher from Skopje, and Daliborka Uljarević, Executive Director of the CCE.
The study analyzes three representative waves of mobilization – the student protests and civic uprising in Serbia following the tragedy at the railway station in Novi Sad, the renewed student plenums in North Macedonia, and Montenegro’s “Kamo śutra” movement. Although different in form and demands, all these movements demonstrate a rejection of apathy, authoritarianism, and manipulated narratives. What they share is democratic articulation and insistence on institutional accountability, dignity, and a future grounded in democratic values.
Serbia: Students Filled the Political Vacuum
The tragedy in Novi Sad triggered the largest student protests in contemporary Serbia, bringing elements of direct democracy open plenums, distancing from political parties, and calls for citizens to organize through local assemblies. As Spasojević notes, the students “occupied the space between the regime and the weak opposition and became a new, important political actor.”
The movement rapidly mobilized a large segment of society, articulating widespread existing dissatisfaction and involving high school students, universities, and various professional groups. Support also came from opposition parties. Contrary to the stereotype that young people are uninterested in politics, students became a social and political corrective.
Although their demands align with European values, they avoided explicit pro – EU statements. Controversies emerged after a gathering on Vidovdan, which had more pronounced national tones, leading some actors to attempt to portray the movement as nationalist. However, the study concludes that such assessments are exaggerated.
In May, the students demanded early parliamentary elections and announced that they would run with their own electoral list. The government reacted negatively, partially fulfilling the demands while occasionally resorting to violence, which deepened the crisis. Violent episodes indicate the entry into a new phase, and in such circumstances it is difficult to predict the medium – term consequences. A new actor seems to have emerged, capable of effectively challenging the dominant SNS, but it remains uncertain whether this will be enough to trigger early elections and bring about a change in government in the coming months.
“Students succeeded in inspiring and mobilizing a significant part of Serbian society. Contrary to the common perception of youth as apolitical and overly individualistic, the protests showed strong motivation among both students and high schoolers, which was very important for the initial spread of the mobilization,” Spasojević emphasizes.
Montenegro: “Kamo śutra” Awakened a Protest Culture
Although short-lived, the “Kamo śutra” movement had a strong impact on public discourse in Montenegro.Students reacted to institutional failures – from the cover-up of sexual harassment in a high school to the mass murders in Cetinje – raising questions of accountability, safety, education, and mental health. The movement operated in a decentralized manner, without party affiliation, combining protest marches with symbolic actions.
The movement “awakened a dormant protest culture,” showing that young people are not passive but ready to demand a different future. This is significant in a context of non-transparent political processes, principle-less party maneuvering, and institutional decay, all of which lead many citizens, especially the young, to reassess their social potential and the direction of the country. The study reflects on developments since 2020, pointing to a deepening governance crisis characterized by polarization, the instrumentalization of religious identity, and declining rule-of-law standards.
Diverse support from professors, civil society actors, and professional associations amplified the movement’s impact but also blurred the line between student activism and broader civic mobilization. At the same time, a hostile atmosphere including a lack of genuine support from some of the most influential media and political pressure further complicated their efforts. Nonetheless, civic resistance continues beyond the movement: from 5 February 2025 until yesterday, a group of Cetinje citizens blocked the intersection at Kruševo Ždrijelo, demanding institutional accountability for the two mass killings.
“Kamo śutra?” did not achieve immediate political changes and has since ceased its activities, but it highlighted deeper structural obstacles to democratic transformation. It became a turning point in Montenegro’s civic awakening a symbol of hope and proof that young people, often underestimated, can spark meaningful change. Today, it serves as a reminder that bottom-up pressure has power, but must be preserved, expanded, and protected,” Uljarević concludes.
North Macedonia: Quiet Protests Against the System
The trigger for mobilization in North Macedonia occurred in late January 2025 when Frosina Kulakova died in a traffic accident in Skopje. The driver, under the influence of alcohol and driving at excessive speed, already had multiple criminal charges and was supposed to be in custody. Only a month later, a fire in Kočani claimed 63 lives. Students took to the streets in the form of silent, dignified protest not aimed at toppling the government but at exposing deep systemic failures. Although fragmented, these protests are part of a broader regional continuity of youth frustration and demands for fairer, more functional institutions.
However, the protests in North Macedonia remained dispersed and with limited political effect. Four key characteristics distinguish them: a generational shift in politics marked by the emergence of a new political generation with a different sensibility; public grief as a mobilizing force, with gatherings marked by silence and solemn, without clear demands or expectations of transformation; rebellion against the system rather than against the government, as the dissatisfaction did not seek to remove the incumbents but to highlight a system that continuously fails its citizens; and the end of neoliberal political logic, as activism takes place in a space where disappointment with the system coincides with a refusal to give up on it.
Thus, these protests are not a continuation of previous ones but early contours of something new and still unnamed an emerging resistance arising from deep exhaustion with institutional failure.
“These are not movements with clearly defined demands or charismatic leaders, but expressions of broken expectations: spontaneous, affective refusals to remain silent in the face of loss, neglect, and institutional collapse, unfolding at a time when old vocabularies of transformation are no longer sufficient and new ones have yet to be shaped,” Cvetković stresses.
A Common Thread Across the Region
Despite their differences, all analyzed movements share three key characteristics: demands for institutional accountability, rejection of the state’s monopoly over the future of young people, and creative, non-hierarchical forms of organization. The authors conclude that the Balkans is witnessing the rise of “a new generation that balances between despair and determination, and increasingly refuses to accept the narrative that change is impossible.”
The English edition is available at the link, and Montenegrin at the link.
Željka Zvicer, Program Associate